NBU Role Of The EU In The World Presentation Help

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Introduction

Legal basis -objectives and instrument

Historical development

State of the art

Challenges to meet ..

Note :

perform individual search on the current developments in the filed of the chosen EU policy using mainly the official website of the European Commission

prepare a 20 min. PPT to be presented in class; the presentation should explore both the theoretical background from the reading document and the individual search results

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https://www.ecfr.eu/publications/summary/why_europ…

Please i want reading Essays separately and i want power point with the listed

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European Political Economy Review Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2004), pp. 51-74 ISSN 1742-5697 www.eper.org The frontiers of Europe in the light of the Wider Europe’s strategy Volodymyr Poselsky* Abstract The article analyses the nowadays advancement of the European Union to the East of the continent through the prism of the gradual shift of its geopolitical, geoeconomic and institutional frontiers that includes four fundamental components: basic stabilization and democratization, economic association and, eventually, institutional accession of the former “socialist countries” to the EU. We suggest the Wider Europe’s strategy to be the prolongation of the EU policy of “deliberate uncertainty” carried out regarding the CIS European countries. Keywords: Neighbourhood, Borders, Frontiers, European Union, EU * Volodymyr Poselsky, doctoral student, Institut d’Etudes Politiques (Sciences Po)/CERI, Paris 52 European Political Economy Review “The delimitation of Europe requires studying geography, taking into account history and adopting a political decision” Hubert Védrine, French Foreign Minister1 1. Introduction The consistent geopolitical transformation of the Old continent is not reduced to the EU’s absorbing its closest Eastern and North Eastern periphery. The outsiders of the present enlargement process Bulgaria and Romania are to join the EU in 2007. The rest of the Balkan countries will be granted the possibility to join the European Union within the Stabilization and Association process initiated in 1999. Without taking into consideration the vague future prospects of Turkey, the final EU territorial configuration will depend on the probable membership of seven European CIS states (Moldavia, Ukraine, Belarus, the Russian Federation, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan), which meet the basic geographical criterion. Where is the final point of the European Union’s enlargement to the East? Is it possible to determine this boundary? Showing no desire to find the final answer the European Commission put forward the Wider Europe strategy in March 2003. This policy covers new Eastern neighbour states of the enlarged Union (Belarus, Moldavia and Ukraine), the Russian Federation as well as the South Mediterranean countries. Brussels finds it workable to turn the existing “arc of instability” on the EU Southern and Eastern borders into a “ring of friends” through gradual applying the tools of close association with every neighbour state in accordance with its meeting the determined criteria of rapprochement. Thus, the delimitation between the Wider Union and Wider Europe will coincide with the borderline of the transient Commonwealth of Independent States turning Ukraine, Moldavia and Belarus into common “close neighbourhood” of Russia and the European Union. 1 On the eve of the European Council Meeting in Helsinki, December 1999. Poselsky: The frontiers of Europe 53 The author of this article suggests viewing the nowadays advancement of the European West to the East of the continent through the prism of the gradual shift of its geopolitical, geoeconomic, institutional and political frontiers. We believe that the process of “coming back to Europe” for the former hostages of the “socialist camp” includes four fundamental components: basic stabilization and democratization, economic association and, eventually, institutional accession to the EU. The European Union enlargement itself goes through a number of particular stages conditioned by the procedural rules in force, the degree of readiness of the applicant states along with the requirements for the “deepening” of the integration process and the accommodation of interests of the member states. This paper is structured as follows. The first section analyses the bases and stages of the current unification of the Continent. The second examines a new proximity policy of the EU towards its neighbours (creation of the Wider Europe). 2. Stages and bases of the current unification process on the continent Contemporary move to unite Europe within a single political and economic community is often regarded as the latest geopolitical “expansion of the West” or, vice versa, a civilizational “European homecoming”. We believe that it is worthwhile defining the current advancement of the European Union to the East of the continent as the process of voluntarily assuming all the Western norms and values by the countries of the former Eastern Europe, which facilitates their economic integration as well as further accession to the European Community. Regarding all this approaching the EU contains four interconnected stages: stabilization, democratization, the establishment of association and the acquiring of membership. 2.1 Stabilization Internal territorial integrity and friendly relations with country neighbours form the reliable basis for democratic and market transformations in each post-communist state. However, the stabilization 54 European Political Economy Review is not reduced to eliminating military conflict threat or hedging particular regions (“hard” threats). It presupposes efficient state management which provides for effective combating organized crime and corruption inside the country, reliable border controlling and preventing illegal emigration of its citizens to other countries (“weak” threats). The upsurge of national conflicts in Yugoslavia and the USSR, the considerable number of national minorities in Central European countries, overall threat of “weak” risks assigned the stabilization with the prominent role in Western Europe. In practice, the EU initiated concluding the Stability Pact for Central Eastern (1995) and South Eastern Europe (1999). Nowadays basic stabilization tasks are pressing for solution in the Transcaucasian states (undetermined status for Abkhazia, Nagorny Karabakh and Southern Osetia), in the Russian Federation (the war in Chechnya), in Serbia and Montenegro (the future for Kosovo and Montenegro), in Moldova (the problem of the Transdniestr region), whereas Bosnia and Herzegovina have succeeded in stabilization under the protectorate of the international community. 2.2 Democratization The establishment of the sustainable democracy and the rule of law throughout the former communist regimes can be analysed within three stages: 1) liberalization; 2) transition; 3) democratic consolidation (Kubicek 2003: 21). In other words, democratization is the process of shifting geopolitical boundaries of the European political area2. According to the report “Nations in Transit 2003” produced by American non-governmental organization “Freedom House”, all Central and South East European states (except Bosnia and Herzegovina) have already reached the level of consolidated or partially consolidated democracy, while the CIS European countries remain transitional or autocratic regimes (see Table 1)3. From its own part, 2 3 If proceed from the statement that any geopolitical community is the space for implementing some political project, then geopolitical Europe can be drawn as a space for market economy and law-governed state actual functioning. See Foucher (1993: 15). A Democratisation score (DEM) is an average of an electoral process, development of civil society, independent media and governance ratings. A Poselsky: The frontiers of Europe 55 the EU introduced regional financial aid programmes (PHARE, TACIS, CARDS), which aim at promoting faster stabilization and democratization of post-communist states. Table 1: Steps of democratization Level of democratization Post-communist States DEM ROL Consolidated democracies Poland Slovenia Hungary Slovakia Lithuania Estonia Latvia Czech republic 1,63 1,75 1,81 1,81 1,88 1.94 1,94 2,00 2,00 1,88 2,25 2,63 2,63 2,13 2,88 3,00 Democracies (some consolidation) Bulgaria Romania Croatia Serbia and Montenegro Albania Macedonia 3,13 3,25 3,44 3,50 3,94 3,94 3,88 4,38 4,50 4,63 4,63 5,00 Transitional (hybrid) regimes Bosnia Moldova Ukraine Armenia Georgia Russia 4,31 4,38 4,50 4,69 4,69 4,88 5,00 5,38 5,13 5,38 5,13 5,13 Autocracies Azerbaijan Belarus 5,31 6,63 5,75 6,13 Rule of law score (ROL) bases on average of constitutional, legislative, judicial framework and corruption ratings. “Freedom House” determines the figures for countries at a 7-point scale, where 1 corresponds to “consolidated democracies”, 3 to “democracies with some consolidation”, 4 to “transitional governments or hybrid regimes, 5 to autocracies, 7 to “consolidated autocracies”. The abovementioned rankings reflect the state of democratic development of postcommunist countries for 2002. See www.freedomhouse.org 56 European Political Economy Review 2.3. Association partnership The association status based on article 310 of the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC) embraces various forms of associated partnership which are carried out through specially established bodies (Councils, committees associations/partnerships) and mainly deal with promoting various forms of economic integration: joining the Single Market, setting up the Customs Union or a free trade zone with the EU (see Table 2). Given all this, Partnership and Cooperation agreements (PCA) with the CIS states should be considered the lowest level of association, which points out only the possibility to set up a free trade zone with the Russian Federation, Moldova and Ukraine in future (depending on the realization of economic reforms in these countries). On the whole the Association agreements concluded by the EU can be fairly related to the shift of its geoeconomic borders. Nowadays, as is the case with geopolitical Europe, the Eastern geoeconomic boundary of the European Community coincides with the Western border of the CIS. Table 2. Steps of economic integration of the European periphery Level of economic integration Stateparticipants (beyond EU25) New member Malta Cyprus states (Since 1.05.2004) Poland Hungary Czech rep. Slovakia Estonia Lithuania Latvia Slovenia Date of signing the association agreement Date of application Characteristic features and commentaries 05.12.1970 19.12.1972 16.07.1990 03.07.1990 16.12.1991 16.12.1991 06.10.1993 06.10.1993 12.06.1995 12.06.1995 12.06.1995 10.06.1996 05.04.1994 31.03.1994 17.01.1996 27.06.1995 24.11.1995 08.12.1995 03.10.1995 10.06.1996 Malta, Cyprus: Concluding Association agreements, which envisage a probable two-stage establishment of the Customs Union (in both cases pending the negotiations on accession, with the Customs Union on manufactured goods being not realized) CCEE: Concluding “European agreements”, which stipulate an asymmetrical transition to free manufactured goods trade zones, partial liberalization of three other freedoms Other spheres: political dialogue, introduction of a visafree regime Poselsky: The frontiers of Europe Level of economic integration Stateparticipants (beyond EU25) European Economic Area Norway 02.05.1992 Iceland Liechtenstein Customs Union Turkey 12.09.1963 Free trade zone Switzerland 22.07.1972 Romania Bulgaria 08.02.1993 01.03.1993 Free trade zone in the making Date of signing the association agreement 57 Date of application Characteristic features and commentaries Access to the EU common market through free movement of manufactured goods, people, services and capitals (without expansion to agriculture and Customs regime of the third world countries). Other spheres: joining the EU foreign policy declarations, Norway and Iceland’s joining the Shengen area 14.04.1987 22.06.1995 14.12.1995 Croatia 29.10.2001 21.02.2003 Macedonia 09.04.2001 Albania Serbianegotiations being Montenegro conducted BosniaHerzegovina Customs Union introduction since 1.01.1996 regarding manufactured goods Other spheres: political dialogue, maintaining the visa regime Switzerland: the 1972 fundamental agreement on free exchange of goods was supplemented by a number of other sector agreements, in particular, by the 1999 agreement on free movement of people Romania, Bulgaria: European associated partnership like for other CCEE, delayed transition to a visa-free regime Progressive conclusion of Stabilization and Association agreements, which stipulate an asymmetrical transition to free trade zones; The EU’s implementation of substantial trade preferences for the countries of the region starting with late 2000 Other spheres: arranging political dialogue, maintaining the visa regime (excluding Croatia) 58 European Political Economy Review 2.4. Institutional accession Given the complexity and significance of the EU accession procedure, it may take from 3-4 years (as did for example Finland and Sweden) up to 10 years and more (for the countries involved in the current enlargement). The EU Council adopts all decisions on enlargement under the unanimity rule, which grants every memberstate the right to veto the candidature of this or that country or, at least, to efficiently block various stages of the accession procedure. In this respect one should be aware of the importance of the EU Council’s acknowledgement of the prospective membership for an applicant country, though it is not institutionally required. As is known, the accession procedure grounds, first of all, on current article 49 of the Treaty on the European Union (former article 237 of the TEC), which stipulates three basic requirements established for applicant-state To be a European state geographically Despite lengthy debates on borders on the European continent, political geography clearly defines the essence of “a European state” with particular reservations as to only two Eurasian states such as Turkey, 3 % of whose territory is in Europe and the rest in Asia, and the Russian Federation, which can arbitrarily be divided into European and Asian parts. The South Mediterranean states are unconditionally referred to as African and Asian countries, while fifteen former republics of the Soviet Union split into new European (Baltic states, Transcaucasian states, Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus) and Asian (Central Asian states) states4. 4 As was impartially stated by Spanish politologist Débora Miralles (2002), the Southern Mediterranean could aspire to join the EU only on condition of removing the requirement of geographical belonging to Europe from Article 49 of the EU Treaty. These fundamental realia of political geography, however, do not prevent some West European politicians from putting the European countries of the CIS in the same line as some countries of Maghreb or the Middle East. For instance, one of the leaders of the German Christian Democrats Michael Gloss claimed in Bundestag that “Turkey’s joining the EU will set a precedent for such states as Morocco and Ukraine”, “Handelsblatt” of December 4, 2002. In his turn, former Minister and Deputy of the European Poselsky: The frontiers of Europe 59 Following the inconsistency with the basic geographic criterion, the EEC Council of Ministers rejected Morocco’s application (1987). In its Communication “Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: A New Framework for Relations with our Eastern and Southern Neighbours” the European Commission confirmed the impossibility of accession to the EU for all its “non-European Mediterranean partners” along with the probable accession prospects for such “European states” on the East of Europe that “have clearly expressed their wish to join the Union”. To strive for the EU membership The obvious character of the statement covers the fundamental principle of voluntary and democratic structure of the European Community, which neither poses any threats to its neighbours nor plots any territorial expansion. The European Union respects the sovereign right of such states as Iceland, Switzerland or Russia to remain aloof from the European integration process. Thus, the EU membership prerequisite is a clearly shaped national strategy of integration to the EU as well as an institutionally required application of a European state. To be a sustainable democracy General Franco’s authoritative regime was the first to make certain that the European Community is not only a project of economic integration but also a union of democratic nations when it applied for association with the EEC in 1962. Lengthy negotiations resulted only in Spain’s signing a trade preferential agreement in 1970. Its further approaching the Community was distinctly conditioned by its transition to democracy. At the same time, the establishment of military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 made the European ComParliament from France Alain Lamassoure (2003: 39) believes that incompliance with the geographical criterion brought about the recognition of the candidature of Turkey and puts the issue of probable EU membership for Ukrainem Moldova, Morocco, Russia and Israel on the agenda. 60 European Political Economy Review mission suspend the Association Agreement with this country. However, democratic reforms in Greece, Portugal and Spain in 1974-1975 assisted their further integration to the EEC. In the context of the EU enlargement of Central and East European states the 1993 Copenhagen Council confirmed the existence of stable democratic institutions as the basic accession criterion. The 1996-1997 Amsterdam Intergovernmental Conference amended article 49 of the Treaty on the EU that now envisages that “any European state, which respects the principles set out in Article 6 (1) (principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law), may apply to become a member of the Union”. Within the frameworks of meeting the political criteria, the EU obliged the applicant states from the East of Europe to guarantee the rights of their national minorities and maintain neighbourly relations in the region. The Copenhagen European Council of June 1993 consolidated two more important accession criteria: efficient market economy ready to compete at the EU domestic market; the ability to acquire the acquis in corpora. To be an efficient market economy Conformity with the basic principles of market economy automatically arose from the necessity of profound convergence of the member states’ economies within the “Common market”. Meanwhile, as was proved by the accession of Greece, Spain and Portugal, given the current enlargement of the EU on Central European countries and preplanned absorbing the Balkan states even considerable recess in social and economic development cannot obstruct the EU membership, it can only postpone it. In other words, the efficiency of national market mechanisms rather than current economic wealth is taken into account while considering the economic state of an applicant-country (a healthy rather than wealthy criteria). The pre-accession level of economic integration to the European Union is not specified either, which, at least theoretically, obviates the necessity to conclude a preliminary Association agreement with the EU for a potential applicant-state. Poselsky: The frontiers of Europe 61 To be concordant with and able to adopt the acquis The Community put forward the requirement of introducing the aggregate acquis into national legislation of an applicant-country during the first enlargement on Great Britain, Ireland and Denmark (1973). It would not be an exaggeration to view the general accession procedure as the process of adopting the acquis by an applicant-state that sets the subject for accession negotiations and that all is fixed in an Accession treaty in detail. The approaching of legislation of post-communist countries to the EU legislation actually started at the stages of stabilization and democratization, continued at the stage of implementing Association agreements and will continue after the official accession date till the ful …

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