Jung: Analytical Psychology
B Overview of Analytical Psychology B Biography of Carl Jung B Levels of the Psyche
Wise Old Man
B Dynamics of Personality Causality and Teleology
Progression and Regression
B Psychological Types Attitudes
B Development of Personality Stages of Development
B Jung’s Methods of Investigation Word Association Test
B Related Research Personality Type and Investing Money
Personality Type and Interest in and Attrition From Engineering
B Critique of Jung B Concept of Humanity B Key Terms and Concepts
C H A P T E R 4
The middle-aged doctor sat at his desk in deep contemplation and concern. A 6-year relationship with an older friend and mentor had recently ended on bitter terms, and the doctor felt frustrated and uncertain of his future. He no longer had confidence in his manner of treating patients and had begun to simply allow them to talk, not offering any specific advice or treatment.
For some months the doctor had been having bizarre, inexplicable dreams and seeing strange, mysterious visions. None of this seemed to make sense to him. He felt lost and disoriented—unsure whether or not the work he had been trained to do was indeed science.
A moderately gifted artist, he had begun to illustrate his dreams and visions with little or no comprehension of what the finished product might mean. He had also been writing down his fantasies without really trying to understand them.
On this particular day, he began to ponder: “What am I really doing?” He doubted if his work was science but was uncertain about what it was. Suddenly, to his astonishment, he heard a clear, distinct feminine voice from within him say, “It is art.” He recognized the voice as that of a gifted female patient who had strong, positive feelings for him. He protested to the voice that his work was not art, but no answer was immediately forthcoming. Then, returning to his writing, he again heard the voice say, “That is art.” When he tried to argue with the voice, no answer came. He reasoned that the “woman from within” had no speech center so he suggested that she use his. This she did, and a lengthy conversation followed.
The middle-aged doctor who talked to the “woman from within” was Carl Gus- tav Jung, and the time was the winter of 1913–1914. Jung had been an early admirer and friend of Sigmund Freud, but when theoretical differences arose, their personal relationship broke up, leaving Jung with bitter feelings and a deep sense of loss.
The above story is but one of many strange and bizarre occurrences experienced by Jung during his midlife “confrontation with the unconscious.” An interesting ac- count of his unusual journey into the recesses of his psyche is found in Jung’s auto- biography Memories, Dreams, Reflections (Jung, 1961).
Overview of Analytical Psychology An early colleague of Freud, Carl Gustav Jung broke from orthodox psychoanalysis to establish a separate theory of personality called analytical psychology, which rests on the assumption that occult phenomena can and do influence the lives of everyone. Jung believed that each of us is motivated not only by repressed experi- ences but also by certain emotionally toned experiences inherited from our ances- tors. These inherited images make up what Jung called the collective unconscious. The collective unconscious includes those elements that we have never experienced individually but which have come down to us from our ancestors.
Some elements of the collective unconscious become highly developed and are called archetypes. The most inclusive archetype is the notion of self-realization, which can be achieved only by attaining a balance between various opposing forces of personality. Thus, Jung’s theory is a compendium of opposites. People are both in- troverted and extraverted; rational and irrational; male and female; conscious and unconscious; and pushed by past events while being pulled by future expectations.
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This chapter looks with some detail into the long and colorful life of Carl Jung and uses fragments from his life history to illustrate his concepts and theories. Jung’s notion of a collective unconscious makes his theory one of the most intriguing of all conceptions of personality.
Biography of Carl Jung Carl Gustav Jung was born on July 26, 1875, in Kesswil, a town on Lake Constance in Switzerland. His paternal grandfather, the elder Carl Gustav Jung, was a promi- nent physician in Basel and one of the best-known men of that city. A local rumor suggested that the elder Carl Jung was the illegitimate son of the great German poet Goethe. Although the elder Jung never acknowledged the rumor, the younger Jung, at least sometimes, believed himself to be the great-grandson of Goethe (Ellen- berger, 1970).
Both of Jung’s parents were the youngest of 13 children, a situation that may have contributed to some of the difficulties they had in their marriage. Jung’s father, Johann Paul Jung, was a minister in the Swiss Reformed Church, and his mother, Emilie Preiswerk Jung, was the daughter of a theologian. In fact, eight of Jung’s ma- ternal uncles and two of his paternal uncles were pastors, so both religion and med- icine were prevalent in his family. Jung’s mother’s family had a tradition of spiritu- alism and mysticism, and his maternal grandfather, Samuel Preiswerk, was a believer in the occult and often talked to the dead. He kept an empty chair for the ghost of his first wife and had regular and intimate conversations with her. Quite understandably, these practices greatly annoyed his second wife.
Jung’s parents had three children, a son born before Carl but who lived only 3 days and a daughter 9 years younger than Carl. Thus, Jung’s early life was that of an only child.
Jung (1961) described his father as a sentimental idealist with strong doubts about his religious faith. He saw his mother as having two separate dispositions. On one hand, she was realistic, practical, and warmhearted, but on the other, she was un- stable, mystical, clairvoyant, archaic, and ruthless. An emotional and sensitive child, Jung identified more with this second side of his mother, which he called her No. 2 or night personality (Alexander, 1990). At age 3 years, Jung was separated from his mother, who had to be hospitalized for several months, and this separation deeply troubled young Carl. For a long time after, he felt distrustful whenever the word “love” was mentioned. Years later he still associated “woman” with unreliability, whereas the word “father” meant reliable—but powerless (Jung, 1961).
Before Jung’s fourth birthday, his family moved to a suburb of Basel. It is from this period that his earliest dream stems. This dream, which was to have a profound effect on his later life and on his concept of a collective unconscious, will be de- scribed later.
During his school years, Jung gradually became aware of two separate aspects of his self, and he called these his No. 1 and No. 2 personalities. At first he saw both personalities as parts of his own personal world, but during adolescence he became aware of the No. 2 personality as a reflection of something other than himself—an old man long since dead. At that time Jung did not fully comprehend these separate powers, but in later years he recognized that No. 2 personality had been in touch with
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feelings and intuitions that No. 1 personality did not perceive. In Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Jung (1961) wrote of his No. 2 personality:
I experienced him and his influence in a curiously unreflective manner; when he was present, No. 1 personality paled to the point of nonexistence, and when the ego that became increasingly identical with No. 1 personality dominated the scene, the old man, if remembered at all, seemed a remote and unreal dream. (p. 68)
Between his 16th and 19th years, Jung’s No. 1 personality emerged as more domi- nant and gradually “repressed the world of intuitive premonitions” (Jung, 1961, p. 68). As his conscious, everyday personality prevailed, he could concentrate on school and career. In Jung’s own theory of attitudes, his No. 1 personality was ex- traverted and in tune to the objective world, whereas his No. 2 personality was in- troverted and directed inward toward his subjective world. Thus, during his early school years, Jung was mostly introverted, but when the time came to prepare for a profession and meet other objective responsibilities, he became more extraverted, an attitude that prevailed until he experienced a midlife crisis and entered a period of extreme introversion.
Jung’s first choice of a profession was archeology, but he was also interested in philology, history, philosophy, and the natural sciences. Despite a somewhat aris- tocratic background, Jung had limited financial resources (Noll, 1994). Forced by lack of money to attend a school near home, he enrolled in Basel University, a school without an archeology teacher. Having to select another field of study, Jung chose natural science because he twice dreamed of making important discoveries in the natural world (Jung, 1961). His choice of a career eventually narrowed to medicine. That choice was narrowed further when he learned that psychiatry deals with sub- jective phenomena (Singer, 1994).
While Jung was in his first year of medical school, his father died, leaving him in care of his mother and sister. Also while still in medical school, Jung began to at- tend a series of seances with relatives from the Preiswerk family, including his first cousin Helene Preiswerk, who claimed she could communicate with dead people. Jung attended these seances mostly as a family member, but later, when he wrote his medical dissertation on the occult phenomenon, he reported that these seances had been controlled experiments (McLynn, 1996).
After completing his medical degree from Basel University in 1900, Jung be- came a psychiatric assistant to Eugene Bleuler at Burghöltzli Mental Hospital in Zürich, possibly the most prestigious psychiatric teaching hospital in the world at that time. During 1902–1903, Jung studied for 6 months in Paris with Pierre Janet, successor to Charcot. When he returned to Switzerland in 1903, he married Emma Rauschenbach, a young sophisticated woman from a wealthy Swiss family. Two years later, while continuing his duties at the hospital, he began teaching at the Uni- versity of Zürich and seeing patients in his private practice.
Jung had read Freud’s Interpretation of Dreams (Freud, 1900/1953) soon after it appeared, but he was not much impressed with it (Singer, 1994). When he reread the book a few years later, he had a better understanding of Freud’s ideas and was moved to begin interpreting his own dreams. In 1906, Jung and Freud began a steady correspondence (see McGuire & McGlashan, 1994, for the Freud/Jung letters). The
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following year, Freud invited Carl and Emma Jung to Vienna. Immediately, both Freud and Jung developed a strong mutual respect and affection for one another, talking during their first meeting for 13 straight hours and well into the early morn- ing hours. During this marathon conversation, Martha Freud and Emma Jung busied themselves with polite conversation (Ferris, 1997).
Freud believed that Jung was the ideal person to be his successor. Unlike other men in Freud’s circle of friends and followers, Jung was neither Jewish nor Viennese. In addition, Freud had warm personal feelings for Jung and regarded him as a man of great intellect. These qualifications prompted Freud to select Jung as the first pres- ident of the International Psychoanalytic Association.
In 1909, G. Stanley Hall, the president of Clark University and one of the first psychologists in the United States, invited Jung and Freud to deliver a series of lectures at Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts. Together with Sándor Ferenczi, another psychoanalyst, the two men journeyed to America, the first of Jung’s nine visits to the United States (Bair, 2003). During their 7-week trip and while they were in daily contact, an underlying tension between Jung and Freud slowly began to simmer. This personal tension was not diminished when the two now-famous psychoanalysts began to interpret each other’s dreams, a pastime likely to strain any relationship.
In Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Jung (1961) claimed that Freud was un- willing to reveal details of his personal life—details Jung needed in order to inter- pret one of Freud’s dreams. According to Jung’s account, when asked for intimate de- tails, Freud protested, “But I cannot risk my authority!” (Jung, 1961, p. 158). At that moment, Jung concluded, Freud indeed had lost his authority. “That sentence burned itself into my memory, and in it the end of our relationship was already foreshad- owed” (p. 158).
Jung also asserted that, during the trip to America, Freud was unable to inter- pret Jung’s dreams, especially one that seemed to contain rich material from Jung’s collective unconscious. Later, we discuss this dream in more detail, but here we merely present those aspects of the dream that may relate to some of the lifelong problems Jung had with women. In this dream, Jung and his family were living on the second floor of his house when he decided to explore hitherto unknown levels of his house. At the bottom level of his dwelling, he came upon a cave where he found “two human skulls, very old and half disintegrated” (p. 159).
After Jung described the dream, Freud became interested in the two skulls, but not as collective unconscious material. Instead, he insisted that Jung associate the skulls to some wish. Whom did Jung wish dead? Not yet completely trusting his own judgment and knowing what Freud expected, Jung answered, “My wife and my sister-in-law—after all, I had to name someone whose death was worth the wishing!”
“I was newly married at the time and knew perfectly well that there was noth- ing within myself which pointed to such wishes” (Jung, 1961, pp. 159–160).
Although Jung’s interpretation of this dream may be more accurate than Freud’s, it is quite possible that Jung did indeed wish for the death of his wife. At that time, Jung was not “newly married” but had been married for nearly 7 years, and for the previous 5 of those years he was deeply involved in an intimate relationship with a former patient named Sabina Spielrein. Frank McLynn (1996) claimed that Jung’s “mother complex” caused him to harbor animosity toward his wife, but a
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more likely explanation is that Jung needed more than one woman to satisfy the two aspects of his personality.
However, the two women who shared Jung’s life for nearly 40 years were his wife Emma and another former patient named Antonia (Toni) Wolff (Bair, 2003). Emma Jung seemed to have related better to Jung’s No. 1 personality while Toni Wolff was more in touch with his No. 2 personality. The three-way relationship was not always amiable, but Emma Jung realized that Toni Wolff could do more for Carl than she (or anyone else) could, and she remained grateful to Wolff (Dunne, 2000).
Although Jung and Wolff made no attempt to hide their relationship, the name Toni Wolff does not appear in Jung’s posthumously published autobiography, Mem- ories, Dreams, Reflections. Alan Elms (1994) discovered that Jung had written a whole chapter on Toni Wolff, a chapter that was never published. The absence of Wolff’s name in Jung’s autobiography is probably due to the lifelong resentments Jung’s children had toward her. They remembered when she had carried on openly with their father, and as adults with some veto power over what appeared in their fa- ther’s autobiography, they were not in a generous mood to perpetuate knowledge of the affair.
In any event, little doubt exists that Jung needed women other than his wife. In a letter to Freud dated January 30, 1910, Jung wrote: “The prerequisite for a good marriage, it seems to me, is the license to be unfaithful” (McGuire, 1974, p. 289).
Almost immediately after Jung and Freud returned from their trip to the United States, personal as well as theoretical differences became more intense as their friendship cooled. In 1913, they terminated their personal correspondence and the following year, Jung resigned the presidency and shortly afterward withdrew his membership in the International Psychoanalytic Association.
Jung’s break with Freud may have been related to events not discussed in Mem- ories, Dreams, Reflections (Jung, 1961). In 1907, Jung wrote to Freud of his “bound- less admiration” for him and confessed that his veneration “has something of the character of a ‘religious’ crush” and that it had an “undeniable erotic undertone” (McGuire, 1974, p. 95). Jung continued his confession, saying: “This abominable feeling comes from the fact that as a boy I was the victim of a sexual assault by a man I once worshipped” (p. 95). Jung was actually 18 years old at the time of the sexual assault and saw the older man as a fatherly friend in whom he could confide nearly everything. Alan Elms (1994) contended that Jung’s erotic feelings toward Freud—coupled with his early experience of the sexual assault by an older man he once worshipped—may have been one of the major reasons why Jung eventually broke from Freud. Elms further suggested that Jung’s rejection of Freud’s sexual the- ories may have stemmed from his ambivalent sexual feelings toward Freud.
The years immediately following the break with Freud were filled with loneli- ness and self-analysis for Jung. From December of 1913 until 1917, he underwent the most profound and dangerous experience of his life—a trip through the under- ground of his own unconscious psyche. Marvin Goldwert (1992) referred to this time in Jung’s life as a period of “creative illness,” a term Henri Ellenberger (1970) had used to describe Freud in the years immediately following his father’s death. Jung’s period of “creative illness” was similar to Freud’s self-analysis. Both men began their search for self while in their late 30s or early 40s: Freud, as a reaction to the death of his father; Jung, as a result of his split with his spiritual father, Freud.
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Both underwent a period of loneliness and isolation and both were deeply changed by the experience.
Although Jung’s journey into the unconscious was dangerous and painful, it was also necessary and fruitful. By using dream interpretation and active imagina- tion to force himself through his underground journey, Jung eventually was able to create his unique theory of personality.
During this period he wrote down his dreams, drew pictures of them, told him- self stories, and then followed these stories wherever they moved. Through these pro- cedures he became acquainted with his personal unconscious. (See Jung, 1979, and Dunne, 2000, for a collection of many of his paintings during this period.) Prolong- ing the method and going more deeply, he came upon the contents of the collective unconscious—the archetypes. He heard his anima speak to him in a clear feminine voice; he discovered his shadow, the evil side of his personality; he spoke with the wise old man and the great mother archetypes; and finally, near the end of his jour- ney, he achieved a kind of psychological rebirth called individuation (Jung, 1961).
Although Jung traveled widely in his study of personality, he remained a citi- zen of Switzerland, residing in Küsnacht, near Zürich. He and his wife, who was also an analyst, had five children, four girls and a boy. Jung was a Christian, but did not attend church. His hobbies included wood carving, stone cutting, and sailing his boat on Lake Constance. He also maintained an active interest in alchemy, archeology, gnosticism, Eastern philosophies, history, religion, mythology, and ethnology.
In 1944, he became professor of medical psychology at the University of Basel, but poor health forced him to resign his position the following year. After his wife died in 1955, he was mostly alone, the “wise old man of Küsnacht.” He died June 6, 1961, in Zürich, a few weeks short of his 86th birthday. At the time of his death, Jung’s reputation was worldwide, extending beyond psychology to include philosophy, religion, and popular culture (Brome, 1978).
Levels of the Psyche Jung, like Freud, based his personality theory on the assumption that the mind, or psyche, has both a conscious and an unconscious level. Unlike Freud, however, Jung strongly asserted that the most important portion of the unconscious springs not from personal experiences of the individual but from the distant past of human exis- tence, a concept Jung called the collective unconscious. Of lesser importance to Jun- gian theory are the conscious and the personal unconscious.
Conscious According to Jung, conscious images are those that are sensed by the ego, whereas unconscious elements have no relationship with the ego. Jung’s notion of the ego is more restrictive than Freud’s. Jung saw the ego as the center of consciousness, but not the core of personality. Ego is not the whole personality, but must be completed by the more comprehensive self, the center of personality that is largely unconscious. In a psychologically healthy person, the ego takes a secondary position to the un- conscious self (Jung, 1951/1959a). Thus, consciousness plays a relatively minor role in analytical psychology, and an overemphasis on expanding one’s conscious psyche
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can lead to psychological imbalance. Healthy individuals are in contact with their conscious world, but they also allow themselves to experience their unconscious self and thus to achieve individuation, a concept we discuss in the section titled Self- Realization.
Personal Unconscious The personal unconscious embraces all repressed, forgotten, or subliminally per- ceived experiences of one particular individual. It contains repressed infantile mem- ories and impulses, forgotten events, and experiences originally perceived below the threshold of our consciousness. Our personal unconscious is formed by our individ- ual experiences and is therefore unique to each of us. Some images in the personal unconscious can be recalled easily, some remembered with difficulty, and still others are beyond the reach of consciousness. Jung’s concept of the personal unconscious differs little from Freud’s view of the unconscious and preconscious combined (Jung, 1931/1960b).
Contents of the personal unconscious are called complexes. A complex is an emotionally toned conglomeration of associated ideas. For example, a person’s ex- periences with Mother may become grouped around an emotional core so that the person’s mother, or even the word “mother,” sparks an emotional response that blocks the smooth flow of thought. Complexes are largely personal, but they may also be partly derived from humanity’s collective experience. In our example, the mother complex comes not only from one’s personal relationship with mother but also from the entire species’ experiences with mother. In addition, the mother com- plex is partly formed by a person’s conscious image of mother. Thus, complexes may be partly conscious and may stem from both the personal and the collective uncon- scious (Jung, 1928/1960).
Collective Unconscious In contrast to the personal unconscious, which results from individual experiences, the collective unconscious has roots in the ancestral past of the entire species. It rep- resents Jung’s most controversial, and perhaps his most distinctive, concept. The physical contents of the collective unconscious are inherited and pass from one gen- eration to the next as psychic potential. Distant ancestors’ experiences with univer- sal concepts such as God, mother, water, earth, and so forth have been transmitted through the generations so that people in every clime and time have been influenced by their primitive ancestors’ primordial experiences (Jung, 1937/1959). Therefore, the contents of the collective unconscious are more or less the same for people in all cultures (Jung, 1934/1959).
The contents of the collective unconscious do not lie dormant but are active and influence a person’s thoughts, emotions, and actions. The collective unconscious is responsible for people’s many myths, legends, and religious beliefs. It also pro- duces “big dreams,” that is, dreams with meaning beyond the individual dreamer and that are filled with significance for people of every time and place (Jung, 1948/1960b).
The collective unconscious does not refer to inherited ideas but rather to hu- mans’ innate tendency to react in a particular way whenever their experiences stim-
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ulate a biologically inherited response tendency. For example, a young mother may unexpectedly react with love and tenderness to her newborn infant, even though she previously had negative or neutral feelings toward the fetus. The tendency to respond was part of the woman’s innate potential or inherited blueprint, but such innate po- tential requires an individual experience before it will become activated. Humans, like other animals, come into the world with inherited predispositions to act or react in certain ways if their present experiences touch on these biologically based predis- positions. For example, a man who falls in love at first sight may be greatly surprised and perplexed by his own reactions. His beloved may not resemble his conscious ideal of a woman, yet something within him moves him to be attracted to her. Jung would suggest that the man’s collective unconscious contained biologically based impressions of woman and that these impressions were activated when the man first saw his beloved.
How many biologically based predispositions do humans have? Jung said that people have as many of these inherited tendencies as they have typical situations in life. Countless repetitions of these typical situations have made them part of the human biological constitution. At first, they are “forms without content, representing merely the possibility of a certain type of perception and action” (Jung, 1937/1959, p. 48). With more repetition these forms begin to develop some content and to emerge as relatively autonomous archetypes.
Archetypes Archetypes are ancient or archaic images that derive from the collective uncon- scious. They are similar to complexes in that they are emotionally toned collections of associated images. But whereas complexes are individualized components of the personal unconscious, archetypes are generalized and derive from the contents of the collective unconscious.
Archetypes should also be distinguished from instincts. Jung (1948/1960a) de- fined an instinct as an unconscious physical impulse toward action and saw the ar- chetype as the psychic counterpart to an instinct. In comparing archetypes to in- stincts, Jung (1975) wrote:
As animals of the same kind show the same instinctual phenomena all over the world, man also shows the same archetypal forms no matter where he lives. As animals have no need to be taught their instinctive activities, so man also possesses his primordial psychic patterns and repeats them spontaneously, independently of any kind of teaching. Inasmuch as man is conscious and capable of introspection, it is quite possible that he can perceive his instinctual patterns in the form of archetypal representations. (p. 152)
In summary, both archetypes and instincts are unconsciously determined, and both can help shape personality.
Archetypes have a biological basis but originate through the repeated experi- ences of humans’ early ancestors. The potential for countless numbers of archetypes exists within each person, and when a personal experience corresponds to the latent primordial image, the archetype becomes activated.
The archetype itself cannot be directly represented, but when activated, it ex- presses itself through several modes, primarily dreams, fantasies, and delusions.
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During his midlife encounter with his unconscious, Jung had many archetypal dreams and fantasies. He frequently initiated fantasies by imagining that he was de- scending into a deep cosmic abyss. He could make little sense of his visions and dreams at that time, but later, when he began to understand that dream images and fantasy figures were actually archetypes, these experiences took on a completely new meaning (Jung, 1961).
Dreams are the main source of archetypal material, and certain dreams offer what Jung considered proof for the existence of the archetype. These dreams produce motifs that could not have been known to the dreamer through personal experience. The motifs often coincide with those known to ancient people or to natives of con- temporary aboriginal tribes.
Jung believed that hallucinations of psychotic patients also offered evidence for universal archetypes (Bair, 2003). While working as a psychiatric assistant at Burghöltzli, Jung observed a paranoid schizophrenic patient looking through a win- dow at the sun. The patient begged the young psychiatrist to also observe.
He said I must look at the sun with eyes half shut, and then I could see the sun’s phallus. If I moved my head from side to side the sun-phallus would move too, and that was the origin of the wind. (Jung, 1931/1960b, p. 150)
Four years later Jung came across a book by the German philologist Albrecht Di- eterich that had been published in 1903, several years after the patient was commit- ted. The book, written in Greek, dealt with a liturgy derived from the so-called Paris magic papyrus, which described an ancient rite of the worshippers of Mithras, the Persian god of light. In this liturgy, the initiate was asked to look at the sun until he could see a tube hanging from it. The tube, swinging toward the east and west, was the origin of the wind. Dieterich’s account of the sun-phallus of the Mithraic cult was nearly identical to the hallucination of the mental patient who, almost certainly, had no personal knowledge of the ancient initiation rite. Jung (1931/1960b) offered many similar examples as proof of the existence of archetypes and the collective uncon- scious.
As noted in Chapter 2, Freud also believed that people collectively inherit pre- dispositions to action. His concept of phylogenetic endowment, however, differs somewhat from Jung’s formulation. One difference was that Freud looked first to the personal unconscious and resorted to the phylogenetic endowment only when indi- vidual explanations failed—as he sometimes did when explaining the Oedipus com- plex (Freud, 1933/1964). In contrast, Jung placed primary emphasis on the collective unconscious and used personal experiences to round out the total personality.
The major distinction between the two, however, was Jung’s differentiation of the collective unconscious into autonomous forces called archetypes, each with a life and a personality of its own. Although a great number of archetypes exist as vague images, only a few have evolved to the point where they can be conceptualized. The most notable of these include the persona, shadow, anima, animus, great mother, wise old man, hero, and self.
Persona The side of personality that people show to the world is designated as the persona. The term is well chosen because it refers to the mask worn by actors in the early the- ater. Jung’s concept of the persona may have originated from experiences with his
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No. 1 personality, which had to make accommodations to the outside world. Each of us, Jung believed, should project a particular role, one that society dictates to each of us. A physician is expected to adopt a characteristic “bedside manner,” a politi- cian must show a face to society that can win the confidence and votes of the peo- ple; an actor exhibits the style of life demanded by the public (Jung, 1950/1959).
Although the persona is a necessary side of our personality, we should not con- fuse our public face with our complete self. If we identify too closely with our per- sona, we remain unconscious of our individuality and are blocked from attaining self-realization. True, we must acknowledge society, but if we over identify with our persona, we lose touch with our inner self and remain dependent on society’s expec- tations of us. To become psychologically healthy, Jung believed, we must strike a bal- ance between the demands of society and what we truly are. To be oblivious of one’s persona is to underestimate the importance of society, but to be unaware of one’s deep individuality is to become society’s puppet (Jung, 1950/1959).
During Jung’s near break with reality from 1913 to 1917, he struggled hard to remain in touch with his persona. He knew that he must maintain a normal life, and his work and family provided that contact. He was frequently forced to tell himself, “I have a medical diploma from a Swiss university, I must help my patients, I have a wife and five children, I live at 228 Seestrasse in Küsnacht” (Jung, 1961, p. 189). Such self-talk kept Jung’s feet rooted to the ground and reassured him that he really existed.
Shadow The shadow, the archetype of darkness and repression, represents those qualities we do not wish to acknowledge but attempt to hide from ourselves and others. The shadow consists of morally objectionable tendencies as well as a number of con- structive and creative qualities that we, nevertheless, are reluctant to face (Jung, 1951/1959a).
Jung contended that, to be whole, we must continually strive to know our shadow and that this quest is our first test of courage. It is easier to project the dark side of our personality onto others, to see in them the ugliness and evil that we re- fuse to see in ourselves. To come to grips with the darkness within ourselves is to achieve the “realization of the shadow.” Unfortunately, most of us never realize our shadow but identify only with the bright side of our personality. People who never realize their shadow may, nevertheless, come under its power and lead tragic lives, constantly running into “bad luck” and reaping harvests of defeat and discourage- ment for themselves (Jung, 1954/1959a).
In Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Jung (1961) reported a dream that took place at the time of his break from Freud. In this dream his shadow, a brown-skinned savage, killed the hero, a man named Siegfried, who represented the German people. Jung interpreted the dream to mean that he no longer needed Sig Freud (Siegfried); thus, his shadow performed the constructive task of eradicating his former hero.
Anima Like Freud, Jung believed that all humans are psychologically bisexual and possess both a masculine and a feminine side. The feminine side of men originates in the collective unconscious as an archetype and remains extremely resistant to
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consciousness. Few men become well acquainted with their anima because this task requires great courage and is even more difficult than becoming acquainted with their shadow. To master the projections of the anima, men must overcome intellec- tual barriers, delve into the far recesses of their unconscious, and realize the femi- nine side of their personality.
As we reported in the opening vignette in this chapter, Jung first encountered his own anima during his journey through his unconscious psyche soon after his break with Freud. The process of gaining acquaintance with his anima was Jung’s second test of courage. Like all men, Jung could recognize his anima only after learning to feel comfortable with his shadow (Jung, 1954/1959a, 1954/1959b).
In Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Jung vividly described this experience. In- trigued by this “woman from within,” Jung (1961) concluded that
she must be the “soul,” in the primitive sense, and I began to speculate on the reasons why the name “anima” was given to the soul. Why was it thought of as feminine? Later I came to see that this inner feminine figure plays a typical, or archetypal, role in the unconscious of a man, and I called her the “anima.” The corresponding figure in the unconscious of woman I called the “animus.” (p. 186)
Jung believed that the anima originated from early men’s experiences with women—mothers, sisters, and lovers—that combined to form a generalized picture of woman. In time, this global concept became embedded in the collective uncon- scious of all men as the anima archetype. Since prehistoric days, every man has come into the world with a predetermined concept of woman that shapes and molds all his relationships with individual women. A man is especially inclined to project his anima onto his wife or lover and to see her not as she really is but as his personal and collective unconscious have determined her. This anima can be the source of much misunderstanding in male-female relationships, but it may also be responsible for the alluring mystique woman has in the psyche of men (Hayman, 2001; Hillman, 1985).
A man may dream about a woman with no definite image and no particular identity. The woman represents no one from his personal experience, but enters his dream from the depths of his collective unconscious. The anima need not appear in dreams as a woman, but can be represented by a feeling or mood (Jung, 1945/1953). Thus, the anima influences the feeling side in man and is the explanation for certain irrational moods and feelings. During these moods a man almost never admits that his feminine side is casting her spell; instead, he either ignores the irrationality of the feelings or tries to explain them in a very rational masculine manner. In either event he denies that an autonomous archetype, the anima, is responsible for his mood.
The anima’s deceptive qualities were elucidated by Jung (1961) in his descrip- tion of the “woman from within” who spoke to him during his journey into the un- conscious and while he was contemplating whether his work was science.
What the anima said seemed to me full of a deep cunning. If I had taken these fantasies of the unconscious as art, they would have carried no more conviction than visual perceptions, as if I were watching a movie. I would have felt no moral obligation toward them. The anima might then have easily seduced me into believing that I was a misunderstood artist, and that my so-called artistic nature gave me the right to neglect reality. If I had followed her voice, she would in all probability have said to me one day, “Do you imagine the nonsense you’re engaged in is really art? Not a bit.” Thus the insinuations of the anima, the mouthpiece of the unconscious, can utterly destroy a man. (p. 187)
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Animus The masculine archetype in women is called the animus. Whereas the anima repre- sents irrational moods and feelings, the animus is symbolic of thinking and reason- ing. It is capable of influencing the thinking of a woman, yet it does not actually be- long to her. It belongs to the collective unconscious and originates from the encounters of prehistoric women with men. In every female-male relationship, the woman runs a risk of projecting her distant ancestors’ experiences with fathers, brothers, lovers, and sons onto the unsuspecting man. In addition, of course, her per- sonal experiences with men, buried in her personal unconscious, enter into her rela- tionships with men. Couple these experiences with projections from the man’s anima and with images from his personal unconscious, and you have the basic ingredients of any female-male relationship.
Jung believed that the animus is responsible for thinking and opinion in women just as the anima produces feelings and moods in men. The animus is also the explanation for the irrational thinking and illogical opinions often attributed to women. Many opinions held by women are objectively valid, but according to Jung, close analysis reveals that these opinions were not thought out, but existed ready- made. If a woman is dominated by her animus, no logical or emotional appeal can shake her from her prefabricated beliefs (Jung, 1951/1959a). Like the anima, the an- imus appears in dreams, visions, and fantasies in a personified form.
Great Mother Two other archetypes, the great mother and the wise old man, are derivatives of the anima and animus. Everyone, man or woman, possesses a great mother archetype. This preexisting concept of mother is always associated with both positive and neg- ative feelings. Jung (1954/1959c), for example, spoke of the “loving and terrible mother” (p. 82). The great mother, therefore, represents two opposing forces—fer- tility and nourishment on the one hand and power and destruction on the other. She is capable of producing and sustaining life (fertility and nourishment), but she may also devour or neglect her offspring (destruction). Recall that Jung saw his own mother as having two personalities—one loving and nurturing; the other uncanny, ar- chaic, and ruthless.
Jung (1954/1959c) believed that our view of a personal loving and terrible mother is largely overrated. “All those influences which the literature describes as being exerted on the children do not come from the mother herself, but rather from the archetype projected upon her, which gives her a mythological background” (p. 83). In other words, the strong fascination that mother has for both men and women, often in the absence of a close personal relationship, was taken by Jung as evidence for the great mother archetype.
The fertility and nourishment dimension of the great mother archetype is sym- bolized by a tree, garden, plowed field, sea, heaven, home, country, church, and hol- low objects such as ovens and cooking utensils. Because the great mother also rep- resents power and destruction, she is sometimes symbolized as a godmother, the Mother of God, Mother Nature, Mother Earth, a stepmother, or a witch. One exam- ple of the opposing forces of fertility and destruction is the story of Cinderella, whose fairy godmother is able to create for her a world of horses, carriages, fancy balls, and a charming prince. However, the powerful godmother could also destroy
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that world at the strike of midnight. Legends, myths, religious beliefs, art, and liter- ary stories are filled with other symbols of the great mother, a person who is both nurturing and destructive.
Fertility and power combine to form the concept of rebirth, which may be a separate archetype, but its relation to the great mother is obvious. Rebirth is repre- sented by such processes as reincarnation, baptism, resurrection, and individuation or self-realization. People throughout the world are moved by a desire to be reborn: that is, to reach self-realization, nirvana, heaven, or perfection (Jung, 1952/1956, 1954/1959c).
Wise Old Man The wise old man, archetype of wisdom and meaning, symbolizes humans’ preex- isting knowledge of the mysteries of life. This archetypal meaning, however, is un- conscious and cannot be directly experienced by a single individual. Politicians and others who speak authoritatively—but not authentically—often sound sensible and wise to others who are all too willing to be misled by their own wise old man ar- chetypes. Similarly, the wizard in L. Frank Baum’s Wizard of Oz was an impressive and captivating speaker whose words, however, rang hollow. A man or woman dom- inated by the wise old man archetype may gather a large following of disciples by using verbiage that sounds profound but that really makes little sense because the collective unconscious cannot directly impart its wisdom to an individual. Political, religious, and social prophets who appeal to reason as well as emotion (archetypes are always emotionally tinged) are guided by this unconscious archetype. The dan- ger to society comes when people become swayed by the pseudoknowledge of a powerful prophet and mistake nonsense for real wisdom. Recall that Jung saw the preachings of his own father (a pastor) as hollow pontifications, not backed by any strong religious conviction.
The wise old man archetype is personified in dreams as father, grandfather, teacher, philosopher, guru, doctor, or priest. He appears in fairy tales as the king, the sage, or the magician who comes to the aid of the troubled protagonist and, through superior wisdom, he helps the protagonist escape from myriad misadventures. The wise old man is also symbolized by life itself. Literature is replete with stories of young people leaving home, venturing out into the world, experiencing the trials and sorrows of life, and in the end acquiring a measure of wisdom (Jung, 1954/1959a).
Hero The hero archetype is represented in mythology and legends as a powerful person, sometimes part god, who fights against great odds to conquer or vanquish evil in the form of dragons, monsters, serpents, or demons. In the end, however, the hero often is undone by some seemingly insignificant person or event (Jung, 1951/1959b). For example, Achilles, the courageous hero of the Trojan War, was killed by an arrow in his only vulnerable spot—his heel. Similarly, Macbeth was a heroic figure with a sin- gle tragic flaw—ambition. This ambition was also the source of his greatness, but it contributed to his fate and his downfall. Heroic deeds can be performed only by someone who is vulnerable, such as Achilles or the comic book character Superman,
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whose only weakness was the chemical element kryptonite. An immortal person with no weakness cannot be a hero.
The image of the hero touches an archetype within us, as demonstrated by our fascination with the heroes of movies, novels, plays, and television programs. When the hero conquers the villain, he or she frees us from feelings of impotence and mis- ery; at the same time, serving as our model for the ideal personality (Jung, 1934/1954a).
The origin of the hero motif goes back to earliest human history—to the dawn of consciousness. In conquering the villain, the hero is symbolically overcoming the darkness of prehuman unconsciousness. The achievement of consciousness was one of our ancestors’ greatest accomplishments, and the image of the archetypal con- quering hero represents victory over the forces of darkness (Jung, 1951/1959b).
Self Jung believed that each person possesses an inherited tendency to move toward growth, perfection, and completion, and he called this innate disposition the self. The most comprehensive of all archetypes, the self is the archetype of archetypes because it pulls together the other archetypes and unites them in the process of self- realization. Like the other archetypes, it possesses conscious and personal uncon- scious components, but it is mostly formed by collective unconscious images.
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The hero archetype has a tragic flaw. With Superman, the fatal weakness was kryptonite.
As an archetype, the self is symbolized by a person’s ideas of perfection, com- pletion, and wholeness, but its ultimate symbol is the mandala, which is depicted as a circle within a square, a square within a circle, or any other concentric fig- ure. It represents the strivings of the collective unconscious for unity, balance, and wholeness.
The self includes both personal and collective unconscious images and thus should not be confused with the ego, which represents consciousness only. In Figure 4.1, consciousness (the ego) is represented by the outer circle and is only a small part of total personality; the personal unconscious is depicted by the middle circle; the collective unconscious is represented by the inner circle; and totality of all three cir- cles symbolizes the self. Only four archetypes—persona, shadow, animus, and anima—have been drawn in this mandala, and each has been idealistically depicted as being the same size. For most people the persona is more conscious than the shadow, and the shadow may be more accessible to consciousness than either the anima or the animus. As shown in Figure 4.1, each archetype is partly conscious, partly personal unconscious, and partly collective unconscious.
The balance shown in Figure 4.1 between consciousness and the total self is also somewhat idealistic. Many people have an overabundance of consciousness and thus lack the “soul spark” of personality; that is, they fail to realize the richness and vitality of their personal unconscious and especially of their collective unconscious.
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FIGURE 4.1 Jung’s Conception of Personality.
Anima (femininity) Animus (masculinity)
On the other hand, people who are overpowered by their unconscious are often pathological, with one-sided personalities (Jung, 1951/1959a).
Although the self is almost never perfectly balanced, each person has in the collective unconscious a concept of the perfect, unified self. The mandala represents the perfect self, the archetype of order, unity, and totality. Because self-realization involves completeness and wholeness, it is represented by the same symbol of per- fection (the mandala) that sometimes signifies divinity. In the collective uncon- scious, the self appears as an ideal personality, sometimes taking the form of Jesus Christ, Buddha, Krishna, or other deified figures.
Jung found evidence for the self archetype in the mandala symbols that appear in dreams and fantasies of contemporary people who have never been conscious of their meaning. Historically, people produced countless mandalas without appearing to have understood their full significance. Jung (1951/1959a) believed that psychotic patients experience an increasing number of mandala motifs in their dreams at the exact time that they are undergoing a period of serious psychic disorder and that this experience is further evidence that people strive for order and balance. It is as if the unconscious symbol of order counterbalances the conscious manifestation of disorder.
In summary, the self includes both the conscious and unconscious mind, and it unites the opposing elements of psyche—male and female, good and evil, light and dark forces. These opposing elements are often represented by the yang and yin (see Figure 4.2), whereas the self is usually symbolized by the mandala. This latter motif stands for unity, totality, and order—that is, self-realization. Complete self-realization is seldom if ever achieved, but as an ideal it exists within the collective unconscious of everyone. To actualize or fully experience the self, people must overcome their
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FIGURE 4.2 The Yang and the Yin.
fear of the unconscious; prevent their persona from dominating their personality; recognize the dark side of themselves (their shadow); and then muster even greater courage to face their anima or animus.
On one occasion during his midlife crisis, Jung had a vision in which he con- fronted a bearded old man who was living with a beautiful blind young girl and a large black snake. The old man explained that he was Elijah and that the young girl was Salome, both biblical figures. Elijah had a certain, sharp intelligence, although Jung did not clearly understand him. Salome gave Jung a feeling of distinct suspi- ciousness, while the serpent showed a remarkable fondness for Jung. At the time he experienced this vision, Jung was unable to comprehend its meaning, but many years later he came to see the three figures as archetypes. Elijah represented the wise old man, seemingly intelligent, but not making a good deal of sense; the blind Salome was an anima figure, beautiful and seductive, but unable to see the meaning of things; and the snake was the counterpart of the hero, showing an affinity for Jung, the hero of the vision. Jung (1961) believed that he had to identify these unconscious images in order to maintain his own identity and not lose himself to the powerful forces of the collective unconscious. He later wrote:
The essential thing is to differentiate oneself from these unconscious contents by personifying them, and at the same time to bring them into relationship with consciousness. That is the technique for stripping them of their power. It is not too difficult to personify them, as they always possess a certain degree of autonomy, a separate identity of their own. Their autonomy is a most uncomfortable thing to reconcile oneself to, and yet the very fact that the unconscious presents itself in that way gives us the best means of handling it. (p. 187)
Dynamics of Personality In this section on the dynamics of personality, we look at Jung’s ideas on causality and teleology and on progression and regression.
Causality and Teleology Does motivation spring from past causes or from teleological goals? Jung insisted that it comes from both. Causality holds that present events have their origin in pre- vious experiences. Freud relied heavily on a causal viewpoint in his explanations of adult behavior in terms of early childhood experiences (see Chapter 2). Jung criti- cized Freud for being one-sided in his emphasis on causality and insisted that a causal view could not explain all motivation. Conversely, teleology holds that pres- ent events are motivated by goals and aspirations for the future that direct a person’s destiny. Adler held this position, insisting that people are motivated by conscious and unconscious perceptions of fictional final goals (see Chapter 3). Jung was less criti- cal of Adler than of Freud, but he insisted that human behavior is shaped by both causal and teleological forces and that causal explanations must be balanced with teleological ones.
Jung’s insistence on balance is seen in his conception of dreams. He agreed with Freud that many dreams spring from past events; that is, they are caused by ear-
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lier experiences. On the other hand, Jung claimed that some dreams can help a per- son make decisions about the future, just as dreams of making important discover- ies in the natural sciences eventually led to his own career choice.
Progression and Regression To achieve self-realization, people must adapt not only to their outside environment but to their inner world as well. Adaptation to the outside world involves the forward flow of psychic energy and is called progression, whereas adaptation to the inner world relies on a backward flow of psychic energy and is called regression. Both progression and regression are essential if people are to achieve individual growth or self-realization.
Progression inclines a person to react consistently to a given set of environ- mental conditions, whereas regression is a necessary backward step in the success- ful attainment of a goal. Regression activates the unconscious psyche, an essential aid in the solution of most problems. Alone, neither progression nor regression leads to development. Either can bring about too much one-sidedness and failure in adap- tation; but the two, working together, can activate the process of healthy personality development (Jung, 1928/1960).
Regression is exemplified in Jung’s midlife crisis, during which time his psy- chic life was turned inward toward the unconscious and away from any significant outward accomplishments. He spent most of his energy becoming acquainted with his unconscious psyche and did little in the way of writing or lecturing. Regression dominated his life while progression nearly ceased. Subsequently, he emerged from this period with a greater balance of the psyche and once again became interested in the extraverted world. However, his regressive experiences with the introverted world had left him permanently and profoundly changed. Jung (1961) believed that the regressive step is necessary to create a balanced personality and to grow toward self-realization.
Psychological Types Besides the levels of the psyche and the dynamics of personality, Jung recognized various psychological types that grow out of a union of two basic attitudes—intro- version and extraversion—and four separate functions—thinking, feeling, sensing, and intuiting.
Attitudes Jung (1921/1971) defined an attitude as a predisposition to act or react in a charac- teristic direction. He insisted that each person has both an introverted and an ex- traverted attitude, although one may be conscious while the other is unconscious. Like other opposing forces in analytical psychology, introversion and extraversion serve in a compensatory relationship to one another and can be illustrated by the yang and yin motif (see Figure 4.2).
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Introversion According to Jung, introversion is the turning inward of psychic energy with an ori- entation toward the subjective. Introverts are tuned in to their inner world with all its biases, fantasies, dreams, and individualized perceptions. These people perceive the external world, of course, but they do so selectively and with their own subjective view (Jung, 1921/1971).
The story of Jung’s life shows two episodes when introversion was clearly the dominant attitude. The first was during early adolescence when he became cognizant of a No. 2 personality, one beyond awareness to his extraverted personality. The sec- ond episode was during his midlife confrontation with his unconscious when he car- ried on conversations with his anima, experienced bizarre dreams, and induced strange visions that were the “stuff of psychosis” (Jung, 1961, p. 188). During his nearly completely introverted midlife crisis, his fantasies were individualized and subjective. Other people, including even Jung’s wife, could not accurately compre- hend what he was experiencing. Only Toni Wolff seemed capable of helping him emerge from his confrontation with the unconscious. During that introverted con- frontation, Jung suspended or discontinued much of his extraverted or objective at- titude. He stopped actively treating his patients, resigned his position as lecturer at the University of Zürich, ceased his theoretical writing, and for 3 years, found him- self “utterly incapable of reading a scientific book” (p. 193). He was in the process of discovering the introverted pole of his existence.
Jung’s voyage of discovery, however, was not totally introverted. He knew that unless he retained some hold on his extraverted world, he would risk becoming ab- solutely possessed by his inner world. Afraid that he might become completely psy- chotic, he forced himself to continue as much of a normal life as possible with his family and his profession. By this technique, Jung eventually emerged from his inner journey and established a balance between introversion and extraversion.
Extraversion In contrast to introversion, extraversion is the attitude distinguished by the turning outward of psychic energy so that a person is oriented toward the objective and away from the subjective. Extraverts are more influenced by their surroundings than by their inner world. They tend to focus on the objective attitude while suppressing the subjective. Like Jung’s childhood No. 1 personality, they are pragmatic and well rooted in the realities of everyday life. At the same time, they are overly suspicious of the subjective attitude, whether their own or that of someone else.
In summary, people are neither completely introverted nor completely ex- traverted. Introverted people are like an unbalanced teeter-totter with a heavy weight on one end and a very light weight on the other (see Figure 4.3 A). Conversely, ex- traverted people are unbalanced in the other direction, with a heavy extraverted atti- tude and a very light introverted one (see Figure 4.3 B). However, psychologically healthy people attain a balance of the two attitudes, feeling equally comfortable with their internal and their external worlds (see Figure 4.3 C).
In Chapter 3, we said that Adler developed a theory of personality that was quite opposite to that of Freud. Where did Jung place these two theories on the ex- traversion/introversion pole? Jung (1921/1971) said that “Freud’s view is essentially extraverted, Adler’s introverted” (p. 62). Our biographical sketches of Freud and
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Adler reveal that the opposite appears to be true: Freud was personally somewhat in- troverted, in tune to his dreams and fantasy life, whereas Adler was personally ex- traverted, feeling most comfortable in group settings, singing songs and playing the piano in the coffeehouses of Vienna. Yet Jung held that Freud’s theory was ex- traverted because it reduced experiences to the external world of sex and aggression, Conversely, Jung believed that Adler’s theory was introverted because it emphasized fictions and subjective perceptions. Jung, of course, saw his own theory as balanced, able to accept both the objective and the subjective.
Functions Both introversion and extraversion can combine with any one or more of four func- tions, forming eight possible orientations, or types. The four functions—sensing, thinking, feeling, and intuiting—can be briefly defined as follows: Sensing tells peo- ple that something exists; thinking enables them to recognize its meaning; feeling tells them its value or worth; and intuition allows them to know about it without knowing how they know.
Thinking Logical intellectual activity that produces a chain of ideas is called thinking. The thinking type can be either extraverted or introverted, depending on a person’s basic attitude.
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FIGURE 4.3 The Balance of Introversion and Extraversion.
Extraverted thinking people rely heavily on concrete thoughts, but they may also use abstract ideas if these ideas have been transmitted to them from without, for example, from parents or teachers. Mathematicians and engineers make frequent use of extraverted thinking in their work. Accountants, too, are extraverted thinking types because they must be objective and not subjective in their approach to num- bers. Not all objective thinking, however, is productive. Without at least some indi- vidual interpretation, ideas are merely previously known facts with no originality or creativity (Jung, 1921/1971).
Introverted thinking people react to external stimuli, but their interpretation of an event is colored more by the internal meaning they bring with them than by the objective facts themselves. Inventors and philosophers are often introverted thinking types because they react to the external world in a highly subjective and creative manner, interpreting old data in new ways. When carried to an extreme, introverted thinking results in unproductive mystical thoughts that are so individualized that they are useless to any other person (Jung, 1921/1971).
Feeling Jung used the term feeling to describe the process of evaluating an idea or event. Per- haps a more accurate word would be valuing, a term less likely to be confused with either sensing or intuiting. For example, when people say, “This surface feels smooth,” they are using their sensing function, and when they say, “I have a feeling that this will be my lucky day,” they are intuiting, not feeling.
The feeling function should be distinguished from emotion. Feeling is the evaluation of every conscious activity, even those valued as indifferent. Most of these evaluations have no emotional content, but they are capable of becoming emo- tions if their intensity increases to the point of stimulating physiological changes within the person. Emotions, however, are not limited to feelings; any of the four functions can lead to emotion when their strength is increased.
Extraverted feeling people use objective data to make evaluations. They are not guided so much by their subjective opinion, but by external values and widely accepted standards of judgment. They are likely to be at ease in social situations, knowing on the spur of the moment what to say and how to say it. They are usually well liked because of their sociability, but in their quest to conform to social standards, they may appear artificial, shallow, and unreliable. Their value judgments will have an easily detectable false ring. Extraverted feeling people often become businesspeople or politicians because these professions demand and reward the making of value judgments based on objective information (Jung, 1921/1971).
Introverted feeling people base their value judgments primarily on subjective perceptions rather than objective facts. Critics of the various art forms make much use of introverted feeling, making value judgments on the basis of subjective indi- vidualized data. These people have an individualized conscience, a taciturn de- meanor, and an unfathomable psyche. They ignore traditional opinions and beliefs, and their nearly complete indifference to the objective world (including people) often causes persons around them to feel uncomfortable and to cool their attitude to- ward them (Jung, 1921/1971).
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Sensing The function that receives physical stimuli and transmits them to perceptual con- sciousness is called sensation. Sensing is not identical to the physical stimulus but is simply the individual’s perception of sensory impulses. These perceptions are not dependent on logical thinking or feeling but exist as absolute, elementary facts within each person.
Extraverted sensing people perceive external stimuli objectively, in much the same way that these stimuli exist in reality. Their sensations are not greatly influ- enced by their subjective attitudes. This facility is essential in such occupations as proofreader, house painter, wine taster, or any other job demanding sensory dis- criminations congruent with those of most people (Jung, 1921/1971).
Introverted sensing people are largely influenced by their subjective sensations of sight, sound, taste, touch, and so forth. They are guided by their interpretation of sense stimuli rather than the stimuli themselves. Portrait artists, especially those whose paintings are extremely personalized, rely on an introverted-sensing attitude. They give a subjective interpretation to objective phenomena yet are able to com- municate meaning to others. When the subjective sensing attitude is carried to its ex- treme, however, it may result in hallucinations or esoteric and incomprehensible speech (Jung, 1921/1971).
Intuiting Intuition involves perception beyond the workings of consciousness. Like sensing, it is based on the perception of absolute elementary facts, ones that provide the raw material for thinking and feeling. Intuiting differs from sensing in that it is more cre- ative, often adding or subtracting elements from conscious sensation.
Extraverted intuitive people are oriented toward facts in the external world. Rather than fully sensing them, however, they merely perceive them subliminally. Because strong sensory stimuli interfere with intuition, intuitive people suppress many of their sensations and are guided by hunches and guesses contrary to sensory data. An example of an extraverted intuitive type might be inventors who must in- hibit distracting sensory data and concentrate on unconscious solutions to objective problems. They may create things that fill a need few other people realized existed.
Introverted intuitive people are guided by unconscious perception of facts that are basically subjective and have little or no resemblance to external reality. Their subjective intuitive perceptions are often remarkably strong and capable of motivat- ing decisions of monumental magnitude. Introverted intuitive people, such as mys- tics, prophets, surrealistic artists, or religious fanatics, often appear peculiar to peo- ple of other types who have little comprehension of their motives. Actually, Jung (1921/1971) believed that introverted intuitive people may not clearly understand their own motivations, yet they are deeply moved by them. (See Table 4.1 for the eight Jungian types with some possible examples of each.)
The four functions usually appear in a hierarchy, with one occupying a supe- rior position, another a secondary position, and the other two inferior positions. Most people cultivate only one function, so they characteristically approach a situa- tion relying on the one dominant or superior function. Some people develop two functions, and a few very mature individuals have cultivated three. A person who has
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theoretically achieved self-realization or individuation would have all four functions highly developed.
Development of Personality Jung believed that personality develops through a series of stages that culminate in individuation, or self-realization. In contrast to Freud, he emphasized the second half of life, the period after age 35 or 40, when a person has the opportunity to bring together the various aspects of personality and to attain self-realization. However, the opportunity for degeneration or rigid reactions is also present at that time. The psychological health of middle-aged people is related to their ability in achiev- ing balance between the poles of the various opposing processes. This ability is proportional to the success achieved in journeying through the previous stages of life.
Stages of Development Jung grouped the stages of life into four general periods—childhood, youth, middle life, and old age. He compared the trip through life to the journey of the sun through the sky, with the brightness of the sun representing consciousness. The early morn- ing sun is childhood, full of potential, but still lacking in brilliance (consciousness); the morning sun is youth, climbing toward the zenith, but unaware of the impending decline; the early afternoon sun is middle life, brilliant like the late morning sun, but obviously headed for the sunset; the evening sun is old age, its once bright con- sciousness now markedly dimmed (see Figure 4.4). Jung (1931/1960a) argued that values, ideals, and modes of behavior suitable for the morning of life are inappro- priate for the second half, and that people must learn to find new meaning in their declining years of life.
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T A B L E 4 . 1
Examples of the Eight Jungian Types
Philosophers, theoretical scientists, some inventors
Subjective movie critics, art appraisers
Artists, classical musicians
Prophets, mystics, religious fanatics
Research scientists, accountants, mathematicians
Real estate appraisers, objective movie critics
Wine tasters, proofreaders, popular musicians, house painters
Some inventors, religious reformers
Childhood Jung divided childhood into three substages: (1) the anarchic, (2) the monarchic, and (3) the dualistic. The anarchic phase is characterized by chaotic and sporadic con- sciousness. “Islands of consciousness” may exist, but there is little or no connection among these islands. Experiences of the anarchic phase sometimes enter conscious- ness as primitive images, incapable of being accurately verbalized.
The monarchic phase of childhood is characterized by the development of the ego and by the beginning of logical and verbal thinking. During this time children see themselves objectively and often refer to themselves in the third person. The is- lands of consciousness become larger, more numerous, and inhabited by a primitive ego. Although the ego is perceived as an object, it is not yet aware of itself as per- ceiver.
The ego as perceiver arises during the dualistic phase of childhood when the ego is divided into the objective and subjective. Children now refer to themselves in the first person and are aware of their existence as separate individuals. Dur- ing the dualistic period, the islands of consciousness become continuous land, inhab- ited by an ego-complex that recognizes itself as both object and subject (Jung, 1931/1960a).
Youth The period from puberty until middle life is called youth. Young people strive to gain psychic and physical independence from their parents, find a mate, raise a family, and make a place in the world. According to Jung (1931/1960a), youth is, or should be, a period of increased activity, maturing sexuality, growing consciousness, and recognition that the problem-free era of childhood is gone forever. The major diffi- culty facing youth is to overcome the natural tendency (found also in middle and later years) to cling to the narrow consciousness of childhood, thus avoiding prob- lems pertinent to the present time of life. This desire to live in the past is called the conservative principle.
A middle-aged or elderly person who attempts to hold on to youthful values faces a crippled second half of life, handicapped in the capacity to achieve self-realization and impaired in the ability to establish new goals and seek new meaning to life (Jung, 1931/1960a).
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FIGURE 4.4 Jung Compares the Stages of Life to the Sun’s Journey through the Sky, with the Brilliance of the Sun Representing Consciousness.
Youth Middle life
Middle Life Jung believed that middle life begins at approximately age 35 or 40, by which time the sun has passed its zenith and begins its downward descent. Although this decline can present middle-aged people with increasing anxieties, middle life is also a pe- riod of tremendous potential.
If middle-aged people retain the social and moral values of their early life, they become rigid and fanatical in trying to hold on to their physical attractiveness and agility. Finding their ideals shifting, they may fight desperately to maintain their youthful appearance and lifestyle. Most of us, wrote Jung (1931/1960a), are unpre- pared to “take the step into the afternoon of life; worse still, we take this step with the false assumption that our truths and ideals will serve us as hitherto. . . . We can- not live in the afternoon of life according to the programme of life’s morning; for what was great in the morning will be little at evening, and what in the morning was true will at evening have become a lie” (p. 399).
How can middle life be lived to its fullest? People who have lived youth by nei- ther childish nor middle-aged values are well prepared to advance to middle life and to live fully during that stage. They are capable of giving up the extraverted goals of youth and moving in the introverted direction of expanded consciousness. Their psy- chological health is not enhanced by success in business, prestige in society, or sat- isfaction with family life. They must look forward to the future with hope and an- ticipation, surrender the lifestyle of youth, and discover new meaning in middle life. This step often, but not always, involves a mature religious orientation, especially a belief in some sort of life after death (Jung, 1931/1960a).
Old Age As the evening of life approaches, people experience a diminution of consciousness just as the light and warmth of the sun diminish at dusk. If people fear life during the early years, then they will almost certainly fear death during the later ones. Fear of death is often taken as normal, but Jung believed that death is the goal of life and that life can be fulfilling only when death is seen in this light. In 1934, during his 60th year, Jung wrote:
Ordinarily we cling to our past and remain stuck in the illusion of youthfulness. Being old is highly unpopular. Nobody seems to consider that not being able to grow old is just as absurd as not being able to outgrow child’s-size shoes. A still infantile man of thirty is surely to be deplored, but a youthful septuagenarian— isn’t that delightful? And yet both are perverse, lacking in style, psychological monstrosities. A young man who does not fight and conquer has missed the best part of his youth, and an old man who does not know how to listen to the secrets of the brooks, as they tumble down from the peaks to the valleys, makes no sense; he is a spiritual mummy who is nothing but a rigid relic of the past. (Jung, 1934/1960, p. 407)
Most of Jung’s patients were middle aged or older, and many of them suffered from a backward orientation, clinging desperately to goals and lifestyles of the past and going through the motions of life aimlessly. Jung treated these people by help- ing them establish new goals and find meaning in living by first finding meaning in death. He accomplished this treatment through dream interpretation, because the dreams of elderly people are often filled with symbols of rebirth, such as long jour-
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neys or changes in location. Jung used these and other symbols to determine pa- tients’ unconscious attitudes toward death and to help them discover a meaningful philosophy of life (Jung, 1934/1960).
Self-Realization Psychological rebirth, also called self-realization or individuation, is the process of becoming an individual or whole person (Jung, 1939/1959, 1945/1953). Analytical psychology is essentially a psychology of opposites, and self-realization is the process of integrating the opposite poles into a single homogeneous individual. This process of “coming to selfhood” means that a person has all psychological compo- nents functioning in unity, with no psychic process atrophying. People who have gone through this process have achieved realization of the self, minimized their per- sona, recognized their anima or animus, and acquired a workable balance between introversion and extraversion. In addition, these self-realized individuals have ele- vated all four of the functions to a superior position, an extremely difficult accom- plishment.
Self-realization is extremely rare and is achieved only by people who are able to assimilate their unconscious into their total personality. To come to terms with the unconscious is a difficult process that demands courage to face the evil nature of one’s shadow and even greater fortitude to accept one’s feminine or masculine side. This process is almost never achieved before middle life and then only by men and women who are able to remove the ego as the dominant concern of personality and replace it with the self. The self-realized person must allow the unconscious self to become the core of personality. To merely expand consciousness is to inflate the ego and to produce a one-sided person who lacks the soul spark of personality. The self- realized person is dominated neither by unconscious processes nor by the conscious ego but achieves a balance between all aspects of personality.
Self-realized people are able to contend with both their external and their in- ternal worlds. Unlike psychologically disturbed individuals, they live in the real world and make necessary concessions to it. However, unlike average people, they are aware of the regressive process that leads to self-discovery. Seeing unconscious images as potential material for new psychic life, self-realized people welcome these images as they appear in dreams and introspective reflections (Jung, 1939/1959; 1945/1953).
Jung’s Methods of Investigation Jung looked beyond psychology in his search for data to build his conception of hu- manity. He made no apologies for his ventures into the fields of sociology, history, anthropology, biology, physics, philology, religion, mythology, and philosophy. He strongly believed that the study of personality was not the prerogative of any single discipline and that the whole person could be understood only by pursuing knowl- edge wherever it existed. Like Freud, Jung persistently defended himself as a scien- tific investigator, eschewing the labels of mystic and philosopher. In a letter to Calvin Hall, dated October 6, 1954, Jung argued: “If you call me an occultist because I am seriously investigating religious, mythological, folkloristic and philosophical
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fantasies in modern individuals and ancient texts, then you are bound to diagnose Freud as a sexual pervert since he is doing likewise with sexual fantasies” (Jung, 1975, p. 186). Nevertheless, Jung asserted that the psyche could not be understood by the intellect alone but must be grasped by the total person. Along the same line, he once said, “Not everything I bring forth is written out of my head, but much of it comes from the heart also” (Jung, 1943/1953, p. 116).
Jung gathered data for his theories from extensive reading in many disciplines, but he also gathered data from his use of the word association test, dream analysis, active imagination, and psychotherapy. This information was then combined with readings on medieval alchemy, occult phenomena, or any other subject in an effort to confirm the hypotheses of analytical psychology.
Word Association Test Jung was not the first to use the word association test, but he can be credited with helping develop and refine it. He originally used the technique as early as 1903 when he was a young psychiatric assistant at Burghöltzli, and he lectured on the word as- sociation test during his trip with Freud to the United States in 1909. However, he seldom employed it in his later career. In spite of this inattention, the test continues to be closely linked with Jung’s name.
His original purpose in using the word association test was to demonstrate the validity of Freud’s hypothesis that the unconscious operates as an autonomous process. However, the basic purpose of the test in Jungian psychology today is to un- cover feeling-toned complexes. As noted in the section of levels of the psyche, a complex is an individualized, emotionally toned conglomeration of images grouped around a central core. The word association test is based on the principle that com- plexes create measurable emotional responses.
In administering the test, Jung typically used a list of about 100 stimulus words chosen and arranged to elicit an emotional reaction. He instructed the person to re- spond to each stimulus word with the first word that came to mind. Jung recorded each verbal response, time taken to make a response, rate of breathing, and galvanic skin response. Usually, he would repeat the experiment to determine test-retest con- sistency.
Certain types of reactions indicate that the stimulus word has touched a com- plex. Critical responses include restricted breathing, changes in the electrical con- ductivity of the skin, delayed reactions, multiple responses, disregard of instructions, inability to pronounce a common word, failure to respond, and inconsistency on test- retest. Other significant responses include blushing, stammering, laughing, cough- ing, sighing, clearing the throat, crying, excessive body movement, and repetition of the stimulus word. Any one or combination of these responses might indicate that a complex has been reached (Jung, 1935/1968; Jung & Riklin, 1904/1973).
Dream Analysis Jung agreed with Freud that dreams have meaning and that they should be taken se- riously. He also agreed with Freud that dreams spring from the depths of the uncon-
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scious and that their latent meaning is expressed in symbolic form. However, he ob- jected to Freud’s notion that nearly all dreams are wish fulfillments and that most dream symbols represent sexual urges. Jung (1964) believed that people used sym- bols to represent a variety of concepts—not merely sexual ones—to try to compre- hend the “innumerable things beyond the range of human understanding” (p. 21). Dreams are our unconscious and spontaneous attempt to know the unknowable, to comprehend a reality that can only be expressed symbolically.
The purpose of Jungian dream interpretation is to uncover elements from the personal and collective unconscious and to integrate them into consciousness in order to facilitate the process of self-realization. The Jungian therapist must realize that dreams are often compensatory; that is, feelings and attitudes not expressed during waking life will find an outlet through the dream process. Jung believed that the natural condition of humans is to move toward completion or self-realization. Thus, if a person’s conscious life is incomplete in a certain area, then that person’s unconscious self will strive to complete that condition through the dream process. For example, if the anima in a man receives no conscious devel- opment, she will express herself through dreams filled with self-realization motifs, thus balancing the man’s masculine side with his feminine disposition (Jung, 1916/1960).
Jung felt that certain dreams offered proof for the existence of the collective unconscious. These dreams included big dreams, which have special meaning for all people; typical dreams, which are common to most people; and earliest dreams re- membered.
In Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Jung (1961) wrote about a big dream he had while traveling to the United States with Freud in 1909. In this dream—briefly mentioned in our biographical sketch of Jung—Jung was living in the upper floor of a two-story house. This floor had an inhabited atmosphere, although its furnishings were somewhat old. In the dream, Jung realized that he did not know what the ground floor was like, so he decided to explore it. After descending the stairs, he no- ticed that all the furnishings were medieval and dated to the 15th or 16th century. While exploring this floor, he discovered a stone stairway that led down into a cel- lar. “Descending again, I found myself in a beautifully vaulted room which looked exceedingly ancient. . . . As soon as I saw this I knew that the walls dated from Roman times” (Jung, 1961, p. 159). While exploring the floor of this cellar, Jung no- ticed a ring on one of the stone slabs. When he lifted it, he saw another narrow stair- way leading to an ancient cave. There, he saw broken pottery, scattered animal bones, and two very old human skulls. In his own words, he had “discovered the world of the primitive man within myself—a world which can scarcely be reached or illumi- nated by consciousness” (Jung, 1961, p. 160).
Jung later accepted this dream as evidence for different levels of the psyche. The upper floor had an inhabited atmosphere and represented consciousness, the top layer of the psyche. The ground floor was the first layer of the unconscious—old but not as alien or ancient as the Roman artifacts in the cellar, which symbolized a deeper layer of the personal unconscious. In the cave, Jung discovered two human skulls—the ones for which Freud insisted Jung harbored death wishes. Jung, how- ever, saw these ancient human skulls as representing the depths of his collective un- conscious.
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Beyond Biography Did Jung wish for the death of his wife? For insight into Jung’s relationship with women and to see how one of his big dreams may have reflected a wish for his wife’s death, see our website at www.mhhe.com/feist7
The second kind of collective dreams is the typical dreams, those that are com- mon to most people. These dreams include archetypal figures, such as mother, father, God, devil, or wise old man. They may also touch on archetypal events, such as birth, death, separation from parents, baptism, marriage, flying, or exploring a cave. They may also include archetypal objects, such as sun, water, fish, snakes, or predatory animals.
The third category includes earliest dreams remembered. These dreams can be traced back to about age 3 or 4 and contain mythological and symbolic images and motifs that could not have reasonably been experienced by the individual child. These early childhood dreams often contain archetypal motifs and symbols such as the hero, the wise old man, the tree, the fish, and the mandala. Jung (1948/1960b) wrote of these images and motifs: “Their frequent appearance in individual case ma- terial, as well as their universal distribution, prove that the human psyche is unique and subjective or personal only in part, and for the rest is collective and objective” (p. 291).
Jung (1961) presented a vivid illustration in one of his earliest dreams, which took place before his 4th birthday. He dreamed he was in a meadow when suddenly he saw a dark rectangular hole in the ground. Fearfully, he descended a flight of stairs and at the bottom encountered a doorway with a round arch covered by a heavy green curtain. Behind the curtain was a dimly lit room with a red carpet running from the entrance to a low platform. On the platform was a throne and on the throne was an elongated object that appeared to Jung to be a large tree trunk. “It was a huge thing, reaching almost to the ceiling. But it was of a curious composition: It was made of skin and naked flesh, and on top there was something like a rounded head with no face and no hair. On the very top of the head was a single eye, gazing motionlessly upward” (p. 12). Filled with terror, the young boy heard his mother say, “Yes, just look at him. That is the man-eater!” This comment frightened him even more and jolted him awake.
Jung thought often about the dream, but 30 years would pass before the obvi- ous phallus became apparent to him. An additional number of years were required before he could accept the dream as an expression of his collective unconscious rather than the product of a personal memory trace. In his own interpretation of the dream, the rectangular hole represented death; the green curtain symbolized the mystery of Earth with her green vegetation; the red carpet signified blood; and the tree, resting majestically on a throne, was the erect penis, anatomically accurate in every detail. After interpreting the dream, Jung was forced to conclude that no 31/2- year-old boy could produce such universally symbolic material solely from his own experiences. A collective unconscious, common to the species, was his explanation (Jung, 1961).
Active Imagination A technique Jung used during his own self-analysis as well as with many of his pa- tients was active imagination. This method requires a person to begin with any im- pression—a dream image, vision, picture, or fantasy—and to concentrate until the
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impression begins to “move.” The person must follow these images to wherever they lead and then courageously face these autonomous images and freely communicate with them.
The purpose of active imagination is to reveal archetypal images emerging from the unconscious. It can be a useful technique for people who want to become better acquainted with their collective and personal unconscious and who are willing to overcome the resistance that ordinarily blocks open communication with the un- conscious. Jung believed that active imagination has an advantage over dream analy- sis in that its images are produced during a conscious state of mind, thus making them more clear and reproducible. The feeling tone is also quite specific, and ordi- narily a person has little difficulty reproducing the vision or remembering the mood (Jung, 1937/1959).
As a variation to active imagination, Jung sometimes asked patients who were so inclined to draw, paint, or express in some other nonverbal manner the progres- sion of their fantasies. Jung relied on this technique during his own self-analysis, and many of these reproductions, rich in universal symbolism and often exhibiting the mandala, are scattered throughout his books. Man and His Symbols (1964), Word and Image (1979), Psychology and Alchemy (1952/1968), and Claire Dunne’s (2000) illustrated biography, Carl Jung: Wounded Healer of the Soul, are especially prolific sources for these drawings and photographs.
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Carl Jung, the wise old man of Küsnacht.
In 1961, Jung wrote about his experiences with active imagination during his midlife confrontation with the unconscious:
When I look back upon it all today and consider what happened to me during the period of my work on the fantasies, it seems as though a message had come to me with overwhelming force. There were things in the images which concerned not only myself but many others also. It was then that I ceased to belong to myself alone, ceased to have the right to do so. From then on, my life belonged to the generality. . . . It was then that I dedicated myself to service of the psyche: I loved it and hated it, but it was my greatest wealth. My delivering myself over to it, as it were, was the only way by which I could endure my existence and live it as fully as possible. (p. 192)
Psychotherapy Jung (1931/1954b) identified four basic approaches to therapy, representing four de- velopmental stages in the history of psychotherapy. The first is confession of a path- ogenic secret. This is the cathartic method practiced by Josef Breuer and his patient Anna O. For patients who merely have a need to share their secrets, catharsis is ef- fective. The second stage involves interpretation, explanation, and elucidation. This approach, used by Freud, gives the patients insight into the causes of their neuroses, but may still leave them incapable of solving social problems. The third stage, there- fore, is the approach adopted by Adler and includes the education of patients as so- cial beings. Unfortunately, says Jung, this approach often leaves patients merely so- cially well adjusted.
To go beyond these three approaches, Jung suggested a fourth stage, trans- formation. By transformation, he meant that the therapist must first be transformed into a healthy human being, preferably by undergoing psychotherapy. Only after transformation and an established philosophy of life is the therapist able to help pa- tients move toward individuation, wholeness, or self-realization. This fourth stage is especially employed with patients who are in the second half of life and who are con- cerned with realization of the inner self, with moral and religious problems, and with finding a unifying philosophy of life (Jung, 1931/1954b).
Jung was quite eclectic in his theory and practice of psychotherapy. His treat- ment varied according to the age, stage of development, and particular problem of the patient. About two thirds of Jung’s patients were in the second half of life, and a great many of them suffered from a loss of meaning, general aimlessness, and a fear of death. Jung attempted to help these patients find their own philosophical orien- tation.
The ultimate purpose of Jungian therapy is to help neurotic patients be- come healthy and to encourage healthy people to work independently toward self- realization. Jung sought to achieve this purpose by using such techniques as dream analysis and active imagination to help patients discover personal and collective un- conscious material and to balance these unconscious images with their conscious at- titude (Jung, 1931/1954a).
Although Jung encouraged patients to be independent, he admitted the impor- tance of transference, particularly during the first three stages of therapy. He re- garded both positive and negative transference as a natural concomitant to patients’
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revelation of highly personal information. He thought it quite all right that a number of male patients referred to him as “Mother Jung” and quite understandable that oth- ers saw him as God or savior. Jung also recognized the process of countertransfer- ence, a term used to describe a therapist’s feelings toward the patient. Like transfer- ence, countertransference can be either a help or a hindrance to treatment, depending on whether it leads to a better relationship between doctor and patient, something that Jung felt was indispensable to successful psychotherapy.
Because Jungian psychotherapy has many minor goals and a variety of tech- niques, no universal description of a person who has successfully completed analyt- ical treatment is possible. For the mature person, the goal may be to find meaning in life and strive toward achieving balance and wholeness. The self-realized person is able to assimilate much of the unconscious self into consciousness but, at the same time, remains fully aware of the potential dangers hidden in the far recess of the un- conscious psyche. Jung once warned against digging too deeply in land not properly surveyed, comparing this practice to a person digging for an artesian well and run- ning the risk of activating a volcano.
Related Research Jung’s approach to personality was very influential in the early development of per- sonality psychology. In recent times, however, its influence has waned, even though there are still a few institutions around the world dedicated to analytical psychology. Today, most research related to Jung focuses on his descriptions of personality types. The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI; Myers, 1962) is the most frequently used measure of Jung’s personality types and is often used by school counselors to direct students toward rewarding avenues of study. For example, research has found that people high on the intuition and feeling dimensions are likely to find teaching re- warding (Willing, Guest, & Morford, 2001). More recently, researchers have extended work on the usefulness of Jungian personality types by exploring the role of types in how people manage their personal finances and the kinds of careers they pursue.
Personality Type and Investing Money Research on personality is not only conducted by personality psychologists. Because personality is the study of the uniqueness of each person, it is relevant to any person and any place. For example, although research on psychology and finance do not typically cross paths, personality can be a common factor in both areas because unique aspects of individuals are important in both areas. Recently, business finance researchers were interested in studying how personality affected the way people in- vest their money (Filbeck, Hatfield, & Horvath, 2005). Specifically, Filbeck and col- leagues (2005) wanted to better understand the level of risk individuals are willing to tolerate when it comes to investing money. Investments are often quite volatile. It is true that you can make a lot of money playing the stock market, but you can also lose everything. Some people have natural tolerance for wide fluctuations in their investments, whereas others do not. What kinds of people are willing to take such risks?
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Filbeck and colleagues (2005) used the MBTI to determine which of Jung’s personality types were more likely to tolerate risk when investing money. The MBTI is a self-report measure with items that assess each of the eight Jungian personality types outlined in Table 4.1. To measure risk tolerance when investing money, the re- searchers used a questionnaire on which people were presented with several differ- ent hypothetical situations of either increasing or decreasing their wealth. Based on responses to these hypothetical situations, the researchers were able to determine at which point (i.e., what percentage gain/loss) people felt their investments were too volatile and risky. The researchers recruited a sample of students and adults to com- plete the MBTI and risk tolerance questionnaire and then tested their hypothesis that some personality types would tolerate more risk than others.
Their findings revealed that the MBTI is a good predictor of who is willing to tolerate risk and who is not. Specifically, the researchers found that those who are of the thinking type have a high tolerance for risk, whereas those of the feeling type have a relatively low tolerance for the same level of risk. Surprisingly, the extraversion- introversion dimension was not a good predictor of risk tolerance, so it is difficult to predict what specific type of thinkers and feelers (e.g., extraverted or introverted) are most tolerant or intolerant of risk. Still, the findings are informative and in line with Jungian types. For example, the thinking personality type (provided one is not of the extremely extraverted or extremely introverted type) is one who places importance on logical intellectual activity. Logically speaking, stock markets go up and down, and therefore it is wise to tolerate risk even when investments are down because they will likely go back up (eventually) as the economy strengthens. The feeling person- ality type describes the way people evaluate information, and this evaluation is not necessarily circumscribed by the rules of logic and reason. Therefore, the feeling type is more likely to base their risk tolerance on their own personal evaluation of the situation, which may or may not be in line with the logical trends of the stock market. Though not all of the Jungian personality types were related to risk tolerance in this study, the researchers concluded that personality of investors is an important factor for financial advisors to consider when creating an investment portfolio that best meets the needs and personal values of the investor.
Personality Type and Interest in and Attrition From Engineering Attrition from engineering seems to be a particularly acute problem given that nearly 50% of the students who start the major do not graduate in it. The two most common explanations are poor performance in “weeding out” courses and poor self-perceived fit with the typical engineer. A study in the Journal of Psychological Type examined whether personality type and fit predicted interest in and attrition from engineering in a sample of engineering majors at Georgia Tech (Thomas, Benne, Marr, Thomas, & Hume, 2000). The researchers looked at 195 students (72% male) enrolled in a known “weeding out” engineering class (electricity and magneticism), where 30% of the students traditionally received grades below a C. The students completed the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) in a laboratory session. Thomas and col- leagues predicted MBTI scores would be related to scores on the final exam, grade for the course, and withdrawing from the course.
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As might be expected, results showed that as a group, the sample was over- represented by the Thinking (75%), Introversion (57%), and Judging (56%) types and was almost evenly split on Intuitive-Sensing (51% Sensing). More importantly, students who withdrew from the course had high scores on the Extraversion and Feeling scales, with 96% of the dropouts scoring high on at least one of those scales. Interestingly, personality type was not related to course grades. In addition, Thomas et al. found that students who were most likely to drop out were exactly the opposite types of those who were least likely to enter engineering to begin with. This result supports the congruency or fit theory of persons and organizations, which states that those who do best in certain professions are those whose personality type matches closest with those already in the profession (Schneider, 1987).
Critique of Jung Carl Jung’s writings continue to fascinate students of humanity. Despite its subjec- tive and philosophical quality, Jungian psychology has attracted a wide audience of both professional and lay people. His study of religion and mythology may resonate with some readers but repel others. Jung, however, regarded himself as a scientist and insisted that his scientific study of religion, mythology, folklore, and philosoph- ical fantasies did not make him a mystic any more than Freud’s study of sex made Freud a sexual pervert (Jung, 1975).
Nevertheless, analytical psychology, like any theory, must be evaluated against the six criteria of a useful theory established in Chapter 1. First, a useful theory must generate testable hypotheses and descriptive research, and second, it must have the capacity for either verification or falsification. Unfortunately, Jung’s theory, like Freud’s, is nearly impossible to either verify or falsify. The collective unconscious, the core of Jung’s theory, remains a difficult concept to test empirically.
Much of the evidence for the concepts of archetype and the collective uncon- scious has come from Jung’s own inner experiences, which he admittedly found dif- ficult to communicate to others, so that acceptance of these concepts rests more on faith than on empirical evidence. Jung (1961) claimed that “archetypal statements are based upon instinctive preconditions and have nothing to do with reason; they are neither rationally grounded nor can they be banished by rational argument” (p. 353). Such a statement may be acceptable to the artist or the theologian, but it is not likely to win adherents among scientific researchers faced with the problems of designing studies and formulating hypotheses.
On the other hand, that part of Jung’s theory concerned with classification and typology, that is, the functions and attitudes, can be studied and tested and have gen- erated a moderate amount of research. Because the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator has yielded a great number of investigations, we give Jung’s theory a moderate rating on its ability to generate research.
Third, a useful theory should organize observations into a meaningful frame- work. Analytical psychology is unique because it adds a new dimension to personal- ity theory, namely, the collective unconscious. Those aspects of human personality dealing with the occult, the mysterious, and the parapsychological are not touched on by most other personality theories. Even though the collective unconscious is not the only possible explanation for these phenomena, and other concepts could be
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Concept of Humanity Jung saw humans as complex beings with many opposing poles. His view of hu- manity was neither pessimistic nor optimistic, neither deterministic nor purposive. To him, people are motivated partly by conscious thoughts, partly by images from their personal unconscious, and partly by latent memory traces inherited from their ancestral past. Their motivation comes from both causal and teleological factors.
The complex makeup of humans invalidates any simple or one-sided descrip- tion. According to Jung, each person is a composition of opposing forces. No one is completely introverted or totally extraverted; all male or all female; solely a
postulated to account for them, Jung is the only modern personality theorist to make a serious attempt to include such a broad scope of human activity within a single the- oretical framework. For these reasons, we have given Jung’s theory a moderate rat- ing on its ability to organize knowledge.
A fourth criterion of a useful theory is its practicality. Does the theory aid therapists, teachers, parents, or others in solving everyday problems? The theory of psychological types or attitudes and the MBTI are used by many clinicians, but the usefulness of most analytical psychology is limited to those therapists who subscribe to basic Jungian tenets. The concept of a collective unconscious does not easily lend itself to empirical research, but it may have some usefulness in helping people un- derstand cultural myths and adjust to life’s traumas. Overall, however, we can give Jung’s theory only a low rating in practicality.
Is Jung’s theory of personality internally consistent? Does it possess a set of operationally defined terms? The first question receives a qualified affirmative an- swer; the second, a definite negative one. Jung generally used the same terms con- sistently, but he often employed several terms to describe the same concept. The words regression and introverted are so closely related that they can be said to de- scribe the same process. This is also true of progression and extraverted, and the list could be expanded to include several other terms such as individuation and self- realization, which also are not clearly differentiated. Jung’s language is often arcane, and many of his terms are not adequately defined. As for operational definitions, Jung, like other early personality theorists, did not define terms operationally. There- fore, we rate his theory as low on internal consistency.
The final criterion of a useful theory is parsimony. Jung’s psychology is not simple, but neither is human personality. However, because it is more cumbersome than necessary, we can give it only a low rating on parsimony. Jung’s proclivity for searching for data from a variety of disciplines and his willingness to explore his own unconscious, even beneath the personal level, contribute to the great complexi- ties and the broad scope of his theory. The law of parsimony states, “When two the- ories are equally useful, the simpler one is preferred.” In fact, of course, no two are ever equal, but Jung’s theory, while adding a dimension to human personality not greatly dealt with by others, is probably more complex than necessary.
Key Terms and Concepts
• The personal unconscious is formed by the repressed experiences of one particular individual and is the reservoir of the complexes.
• Humans inherit a collective unconscious that helps shape many of their attitudes, behaviors, and dreams.
• Archetypes are contents of the collective unconscious. Typical archetypes include persona, shadow, anima, animus, great mother, wise old man, hero, and self.
• The persona represents the side of personality that people show to the rest of the world. Psychologically healthy people recognize their persona but do not mistake it for the whole of personality.
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thinking, feeling, sensing, or intuitive person; and no one proceeds invariably in the direction of either progression or regression.
The persona is but a fraction of an individual. What one wishes to show oth- ers is usually only the socially acceptable side of personality. Every person has a dark side, a shadow, and most try to conceal it from both society and themselves. In addition, each man possesses an anima and every woman an animus.
The various complexes and archetypes cast their spell over people and are re- sponsible for many of their words and actions and most of their dreams and fan- tasies. Although people are not masters in their own houses, neither are they com- pletely dominated by forces beyond their control. People have some limited capacity to determine their lives. Through strong will and with great courage, they can explore the hidden recesses of their psyche. They can recognize their shadow as their own, become partially conscious of their feminine or masculine side, and cultivate more than a single function. This process, which Jung called individua- tion or self-realization, is not easy and demands more fortitude than most people can muster. Ordinarily, a person who has achieved self-realization has reached mid- dle life and has lived successfully through the stages of childhood and youth. Dur- ing middle age, they must be willing to set aside the goals and behaviors of youth and adopt a new style appropriate to their stage of psychic development.
Even after people have achieved individuation, made an acquaintance with their inner world, and brought the various opposing forces into balance, they re- main under the influence of an impersonal collective unconscious that controls many of their prejudices, interests, fears, dreams, and creative activities.
On the dimension of biological versus social aspects of personality, Jung’s theory leans strongly in the direction of biology. The collective unconscious, which is responsible for so many actions, is part of our biological inheritance. Except for the therapeutic potential of the doctor-patient relationship, Jung had little to say about differential effects of specific social practices. In fact, in his studies of var- ious cultures, he found the differences to be superficial, the similarities profound. Thus, analytical psychology can also be rated high on similarities among people and low on individual differences.
• The anima is the feminine side of men and is responsible for many of their irrational moods and feelings.
• The animus, the masculine side of women, is responsible for irrational thinking and illogical opinions in women.
• The great mother is the archetype of fertility and destruction. • The wise old man archetype is the intelligent but deceptive voice of
accumulated experience. • The hero is the unconscious image of a person who conquers an evil foe
but who also has a tragic flaw. • The self is the archetype of completeness, wholeness, and perfection. • The two attitudes of introversion and extraversion can combine with any
one or more of the four functions—thinking, feeling, sensation, and intuition—to produce eight basic types.
• A healthy middle life and old age depend on proper solutions to the problems of childhood and youth.
• Jungian therapists use dream analysis and active imagination to discover the contents of patients’ collective unconscious.
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